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Codevilla neatly catches the surprising combination of fecklessness and self-proclaimed intellectual superiority of our current elites, leading them to caricature anyone who actually wants to defeat our enemies as some sort of Neanderthal.They send our troops into battle with poorly defined objectives and muddled strategy.
His pessimistic appraisal covers America's nearly decade-long, multifaceted counter-response to radical Islam: he argues that we did not achieve of our aims in Iraq; that our therapeutic diplomacy has weakened us in relation to our enemies in the Middle East; and that nine years after 9/11, we have not improved to any measurable degree our homeland security. At first glance, many would certainly think so—after all, Americans have not been hit by another major attack comparable to 9/11.
Although we immediately allowed the Baathist-led army to dissipate, watched wide-scale looting in Baghdad, pulled back from the first siege of Fallujah, and gave a reprieve to Moqtada Sadr, Iraq's consensual government survives against all odds.
That delusion is fueled in part by the fallacy that nuclear weapons somehow have changed conflict irrevocably by limiting war.
Here, too, the dour Codevilla seems to have presaged President Obama's recent nuclear initiatives, which boil down to assuring would-be nuclear enemies that, On the diplomatic front, Codevilla describes accurately a "speak loudly and carry a small stick" policy, the signature of what he calls "the ruling class." Again, note Barack Obama's four missed deadlines for the Iranian theocracy to quit weapons-grade production of enriched uranium-capped by the regime's denunciation of Obama's summit on non-proliferation.
Codevilla's gripe about our efforts at stopping Iran is not over the policy choice of sanctions, bombing, or regime change, but over the degree to which we will pursue seriously any or all of the three.
In the end, Codevilla is not a "more rubble, less trouble" Dr.
Instead, as his title suggests, Codevilla is worried why there is still a war at all: why can't the most powerful nation in the history of arms once and for all crush its far weaker enemies?
That is a good question inasmuch as bin Laden and Dr.
The country no longer translates its oil wealth into attacks against its neighbors.
The recent election of the secularist Ayad Allawi suggests that Iraqis are more worried about religious fundamentalism than about candidates supposedly tainted with past American associations.